https://archives.saltresearch.org/handle/123456789/37 2026-04-30T16:10:28Z https://archives.saltresearch.org/handle/123456789/46785 Title: Letters Packet 8 (b) Description: 19 letters from Elias to Martha, including a numberwritten on full-sized stationery from earlier years (starting 1843). Elias to Martha from Varna, July 1843. He writes: “I find that the Bulgarian language is not spoken here except by the peasants from the villages. The villages also are distant, no one being nearer than three hours. They are also small, the largest being said to contain only 60 or seventy huts. The people (as might be anticipated) uninstructed, and of course no call at present for books. Nor should I have among them any good opportunity of studying the language. All this, with the fact that the climate is a heavy one, as they say, subject to fever and ague, pretty much decides me to return by the same steamer by which I came [from Constantinople].” In Varna he visits Greek schools and an Armenian bishop. By July 22 he has returned to Constantinople and begun taking Bulgarian language lessons each morning from a man in Arnavutköy. Nov. 1839, Elias writes Martha (in Smyrna) from a steam ship, having left Beirut the previous day. Then an 1843 letter from Elias in Bebek to Martha on highly decorative stationery. May 1842, Elias writes Martha from Philadelphia (“Ala-shehr”/Alaşehir): “I must write you a line from this interesting spot. …We were in serious danger of being robbed, but from this as from all the dangers of our way we were mercifully preserved. It would seem that the news of our coming had gone that morning before us, and when we came to our resting place at noon we found ourselves in the midst of more than thirty of about the wildest and most barbarous people that either of us ever saw. Some of them were villagers and some had arms. They accosted us with the statement that a robbery had just been committed on the road a little beyond this place. But their stories did not at all agree. Besides some of them went into the woods and returned pretending to be frightened and saying that the robbers were there. I need not go through with all the particulars. We were satisfied that some if not all of them were in league with the robbers and had formed a conspiracy to rob us. Isaiah displayed great firmness. He exhibited our firman and teokere and told them that if anything occurred the government would hold the villages responsible. (This is according to Turkish law) The Aga of the nearest village which was three miles distant was there and when he saw us demand his name and write it down and observed our coolness and I’s boldness, his lips quivered and he seemed much alarmed. He went away (doubtless into the woods to consult with the bandits) and soon returned in haste telling us to take one man with us as a guard and nothing would happen to us. The man accordingly went with us a mile or two, repeatedly turning back and saying that he had gone far enough. But we insisted upon his going further. We had no doubt that he was an accomplice of the robbers.” … “There are no ruins here to compare with those we have seen. Those of Hierapolis and Laodicea are grand. But those cities are now scenes of utter desolation – entirely without inhabitants while in Philadelphia, since the day when our Saviour commanded those who had here ‘kept the word of his patience,’ there has never ceased to be a nominally Christian church. It is indeed an interesting spot to the Christian. Oh that the spirit of those ancient disciples might be shed abundantly on their degenerate descendants and successors.” In his 1843 letters to Martha Elias repeatedly cautions her to take care of her health. Elias to Martha from Bebek, Aug 28 1843: “On Tuesday last I witnessed what I could wish might never be witnessed again (but I fear the day of Musselman fanaticism is not yet gone by) – the body of a man put to death for renouncing the Mohammedan religion. His body lay exposed to public view for three days, in a public street of the city – and posted up near it was a Turkish notice, stating that the man was originally an Armenian, a shoemaker by the name of Joachim, that he had embraced the Mohammedan religion, taking the name of Mehemet, that he had now renounced the true faith and that consequently his death became necessary according to the Holy Law, that a judicial sentence had accordingly been pronounced against him, but that still the alternative was offered him of again embracing of the faith of Islam, that refusing to do so his death became necessary, an order was issued, and that accordingly the man had been put to death and sent to perdition. The man’s body was dressed in Frank clothes, and his cap placed on his back. This latter circumstance is said to be contrary to former usage, and would seem intended for effect – as much as to say to the Turks that if a man deserts the Mohammedan religion even foreign influence shall not save him. We hear that two of the Ambassadors (Eng & Rus) sent in urgent letters to the Porte requesting that the man might not be put to death, but in vain.” June 1846, Elias in Constantinople writes Martha in Smyrna, and Elizabeth is with him, while Edward is with her. In Sept 1843 Elias takes the baths at Bursa for his health. 1839-01-01T00:00:00Z https://archives.saltresearch.org/handle/123456789/46784 Title: Letters Packet 2 - Sermons of Elias Riggs Description: Feb. 16 1890, Scutari [Üsküdar], English. John 14:16, 17: And I will pray the Father, and he shall give you another comforter, &c. List of places, dates, and languages of sermons: Haskouy [Hasköy], Balad [Balat], Y.K. [Yeniköy], Scutari [Üsküdar], Pest, Hungary, June 20 1869 (English). Pera D.C. June 9 1878 (Greek), Scutari Aug 4 1878 (Armenian), Beshiktash Aug 11 1878 (Armenian), etc. Nov. 28 1880 & Nov. 26 1893, Scutari (English) Deut. 18:15: “The Lord thy God will raise up unto thee a Prophet from the midst of thee, of thy brethren, like unto me unto him ye shall hearken.” etc. 1890-02-18T00:00:00Z https://archives.saltresearch.org/handle/123456789/46783 Title: Letters Packet 1 Description: This packet contains a note and a letter from Elias Riggs announcing his daughter Elizabeth’s death: “Elizabeth was born in Smyrna March 11th 1837, and died in Hasskouy Constantinople Nov. 29th 1858 – less than two months after our return from America after a visit there of two years. She died of scarlet fever.” It also contains a number of condolence letters from the family’s friends. Most of these letters express surprise at the unexpectedness of her death (“Like a thunderclap upon us came the intelligence of Elizabeth’s death. We are speechless” “What can we say? Absolutely nothing. We are struck dumb, and can only sit down in the dust and weep.”), and the writers’ expectations that Elizabeth was to have had much “earthly work” to do. The letters all employ references to God and religious explanations or justifications for her death (“A jewel is removed from your house – but she has already become a jewel on the great Redeemer’s crown. Our circle is diminished, but the heavenly family has received a welcome member”), and the sentiment that her loss will be felt by everyone in the mission community. [Mary Lane] Dwight writes, “I long to say or do something to comfort you, but I know this wish is vain, for in such sorrow, who can comfort but He who inflicted the blow.” A letter from Henrietta Hamlin makes reference to Susie [her daughter Susan Elizabeth b. 1842 d. 1859], who “wishes me to say that she sympathizes with you, but Christ will comfort you, and that she shall soon see Lizzie. She will probably not be with us much longer as the disease has extended to her lungs.” [Indeed, Susan died the following year, in 1859], Several offer to help with the remaining sick children in the household, and extend wishes for the recovery of Charlie. Condolence letters from the following people/families: Henrietta Hamlin, [William G.] Schauffler, [Isabella Holmes Porter] Bliss, E.M.H. Cork, Anna Binns, [Mary Lane] Dwight, [Charlotte H.] Ladd, [Mary L.] Peabody, B.D. Larkin, [Harrison G.] Dwight, Emily A.V.L. [Van Lennep], S.L. [Sarah L.] Powers, Adele [Lennofo in French, Smyrna], Sophia Dalesia [in Greek, Smyrna, 17 Dec.], A.H. [M? Mayze? Mayer? Addressed to “My dear cousin Martha”], H. Ball (New York, 21Jan 1859), M.G. [Mary Wheeler] Benjamin, [James] Hammond, Phebe [Riggs Potter, Elias’s sister] (enclosed are notes “from the children”: Elizabeth A. Van Lennep, A. Van Lennep), G. [Porsers] (Cleveland, 21 Jan), A.R. [Allan] Forsythe (Greensbrough, 26 Jan.), another Forsythe of Greensbrough, G.D. [Georgia] Spaulding, C.R. [Caroline] Allen, M.D. Pelopotheks (Athens, 1 Feb), C.H. [Charlotte] Ladd, Lydia Dodd, A.B. Cooke, “Copy of a letter sent to Mrs. Anderson soon after the death of a daughter, eighteen years of age,” Sarah Davis, E.H. Watson. 1858-11-29T00:00:00Z https://archives.saltresearch.org/handle/123456789/45841 Title: Letters Packet 7 (d) Description: Letters from Elias to Martha, largely recounting daily life in Constantinople, mission business, his personal studies, and travels. In Dec. 22 1868 from Constantinople he writes: “Last Friday night at ½ past 10 we were startled by the cry of fire, and saw that it was near and that the sparks were blown directly toward our neighborhood. Indeed many fell on our premises, but we were preserved unharmed. The new palace of Fuad Pasha, by the Seraikeriat [?] (537.jpg), was completely burned and only the walls now standing. We do not know anything of the cause of the fire. The building was just about finished and very finely finished too. It seems to have been all along intended as a palace although the L. Herald said it was to be finished as an office for the Ministry of Police. But even in noticing this fire, and designating the building as Fuad Pasha’s palace, they did not condescend to correct this former statement. F. Pasha is himself away in Italy seeking health.” Later, in Feb 1869 Elias discusses logistical questions related to the translation and distribution of the Gospels in Bulgarian, Armenian and Turkish, especially in relation to the maintenance of his health, and considers where (America or “the East”) is the best place for him to reside. On Feb 12 1869 he reports: “Hadji Hatoon is failing fast, and can probably survive only a few days. It is a comfort to think what a promotion it will be for her to die.” Hadji Hatoon was an Armenian woman, a member, according to Maria West’s 1875 account, of the Peshtimaljian family, who converted from Orthodox to Presbyterian Christianity following the conversion of her husband and daughters. Feb15 1869: “You will have learned from the papers the death of Fuad Pasha, Turkish Min. for Foreign Affairs. He was doubtless the ablest and most liberal man in the government, and should trouble arise this spring or there is still some reason to apprehend, they will severely feel his loss. The Cretans have given up for the present. But will Greece be content as long as Crete, Epirus & Thessaly are under Turkish rule? The New York demonstration of sympathy in the cause of the Cretans was rather late in the day.” Feb 24 1869 letter to Martha discusses disagreement with a Hagop Mattoryan the bookbinder about the leadership and management within the mission at Yenikapı. March 4 1869 Elias writes that “Haji Hatoon has gone to her rest.” He considers the various pros and cons of moving to a new house in Pera. May 27 1869: “The Annual Meeting closed yesterday…Edward was designated to Sivas, with special ref. to labor for Mohammedans.” In July 1871, Elias writes of the Istanbul house: “I found our house remarkably free from fleas. I hardly see one in a day. Musketoes & gnats there are, enough to make it necessary to use my musketo net.” In July 1871 Elias describes his daily routine: breakfast at 7 (coffee and semolina), “picked a dozen ears of corn (just now in its perfection) and took to Bliss.” Then “work at the bookstore, the usual routine of preparing copy and correcting proofs.” At 5 an emergency request came from the printers, then home in time for supper (leftover chicken stew) by 6. Then reading and prayer, airing the bed, “and by the time I got downstairs and lighted my lamp it was 8 o’clock.” In 1872, on board a steamer ship, Elias remarks that he does “not remember ever to have taken passage in a steamer so crowded.” He also notes that “we have on board the Panthay envoy…the envoy is a prince, a son of the emperor of Yunan. This his interpreter tells me is the proper name of the new empire. Panthay, he says, is a name which the Burmese give to the people of Yunan, but no such name exists in Chinese, which is their language.” Nov. 4 1872: “Maquesia.” After a brief stop in Smyrna (from where he write on Nov. 1) Elias has apparently transferred to a different steamer ship en route for “Beyroot”, which he finds much more comfortable than the crowded Vulcan. “We have some American travellers on board – also the Greek Patriarch of Antioch with whom I have had some conversation. He is a feeble old man.” By Nov. 7 he is writing from Beyroot, where he has joined Dr. D. Bliss and his two sons, Mr. Dodge, Mr. Hallock, and Dr. Thomson and his daughter Emilia. He describes the construction of new college buildings, and the appearance of the church and Bible House; the college is reported as having 85 students. He mentions that he and Mr. Bliss are thinking to travel to Abeih, Damascus, Balbek, and Zableh. Dr. Van Dyke is also in Beirut, managing “college, hospital and literary work” and “the entire charge of the press.” On Nov. 28 he explains that he will not visit Abeih or Sidon due to his poor health, but will accompany Mr. Bliss to Egypt, where they are met by Mr. Ewing. On Dec. 2 they depart for Alexandria, and Elias writes from Ramleh on Dec. 6, “forty years today since you and I first landed in Malta.” On Dec. 10 he contributes to a sermon in Turkish and Armenian, but notes of the Armenians: “There is not much interest among them and not more than ten or twelve came, and of these only half knew Armenian.” Dec and Jan letters generally written from Sinoris.. From Osiook (Egypt), Feb 24 1873: “Four weeks from today with God’s blessing I hope to be in your arms and to clasp you in mine. And then this suspense of waiting for letters will be over. … I have had this morning a beautiful donkey ride. The weather, which has been rather cold, is again mild and the sky perfectly clear. It gives to the mountains East of the Nile a delicate purple tinge, and such a back-ground sets off the green of the fields and the beauty of the river and clumps of trees scattered here and there to the best advantage. I do not think there is a prettier view in Egypt.” On Feb 16 1872, on board a ship entering Seraglio Point (Constantinople): “Of the 20 passengers in this cabin four are English, and the three gentlemen would like to see a war between England and America – not that they do not respect America, but they say both parties will respect each other the more after a fight. I tell them that for those two countries to make war would be just like England and Scotland going to war. It is strange how recklessly some people talk of a fight – of letting blood, and its doing people good, &c.” Feb 19 1872 Elias has reached Smyrna, then taken a train to Magnesia. A May 1877 letter from Constantinople lists various statistics related to the mission (image 821.jpg, Ajanda 7). May 15 1877, Constantinople: “The milkman has mowed the grass of our garden, and it is quite an improvement. The locust trees are loaded now with blossoms, and are musical with the hum of multitudes of bees. Martha and Elias typically use “Constantinople” to refer to the city, as in a letter from May 15 1877. Just a week later, on May 22, Elias marks a letter from “Stamboul.” From Constantinople, May 25 1877: “The Turks are much depressed at the loss of Ardahan, an important fort 30 or 40 miles N.W. from Kars. It seems that Kars is now besieged. [Ottoman Russian war] Martial law is proclaimed in Constantinople, but I do not think it will affect us.” A May 8 1868 letter notes the baptism of the infants Emma Ray Trowbridge, Bertha Briant, & Mary Alice Schauffler. May 25 1868 Elias writes that a Pastor [Pausegh??] “announced that he was going to start this week for America!...He goes to make arrangements for an Armenian colony in the West. We have discouraged him so far as we have had opportunity, but – The worst of it is he is trying to imitate the example of Tomas and has got the consent of his church, and desires to be considered still as their pastor. Of course we shall use all our influence against this arrangement.” 852.jpg-853.jpg June 5 1868: Elias to Martha from Constantinople, regarding topics considered in the annual meeting of the mission: “Mr. Washburn’s paper on female missionaries. It was an elaborate document, but failed to impress its arguments or results strongly on any body in the meeting. The mission voted in favor of additional unmarried females coming to join several stations, 3 each for Cons’ple and Broosa, 1 for Marsovan & Cesarea, and one each for Phil. and E.Zagia if those stations should desire it; but voted also that no new plan was necessary.” “Constantinople High School. The sense of the mission was that we aid in starting such a school, but look to having it as soon as possible under native management and self-supporting.” Includes a listing of new missionary requests and mission emphasis: “Labor among Turkish speaking Greeks in Asia Minor. The Smyrna, Broosa & Cesarea stations to prepare special reports on this subject for the next ann. meeting.” (869.jpg). “Labors for Mohammedans: The mission voted in favor of a missionary’s being stationed at each of our larger stations expressly for this work. At the same time they recommend labors in the Arm[enian] and Bulg[arian] departments to labor as they have opportunity for the Mohammedans, and those in Turkish department to labor also for Arm[enian] and Bulg[arian] &c.” A number of other matters are also detailed. June 22 1868, Elias details, including a drawn map (878.jpg), a fire in the neighborhood in which “some 200” houses were destroyed, but the Riggs home was spared. 1868-01-01T00:00:00Z